The understanding of school violence by the social actors of an educational institution Compreensão da violência escolar para os atores sociais de uma instituição de ensino

This study set out to understand school violence from the perspective of different agents of an educational institution, using qualitative research with data obtained through interviews with 27 actors in a public school and submitted to thematic content analysis. The categories Manifestations of School Violence and School Violence Causes and Consequences emerged from the conversation. Participants highlighted situations in which they portrayed themselves as victims, pointed out manifestations of violence “in,” “from,” and “towards” school. They related the genesis of violence to relational/social aspects, and the consequences to offenders, victims, and the school itself. The understanding of school violence from the perspective of different stakeholders enabled us to understand the complexity of the phenomenon and the importance of developing actions not only from education professionals, but from multidisciplinary and intrasectoral teams aiming to prevent and work against school violence. Descriptors: Violence; School Health; Child; Adolescent; Public Health. RESUMO Objetivou-se compreender a violência escolar na perspectiva dos diferentes atores de uma instituição de ensino, no que se refere às manifestações, causas e consequências. Pesquisa qualitativa cujos dados foram obtidos por entrevistas com 27 atores de uma escola pública e submetidos à análise de conteúdo temática. Das falas emergiram as categorias Manifestações da Violência Escolar e Causas e Consequências da Violência Escolar. Os participantes destacaram fatos nos quais se configuravam como vítimas e apontaram manifestações da violência “na”, “da” e “à” escola. Relacionaram a gênese da violência aos aspectos relacionais/sociais e, as consequências aos agressores, às vítimas e à própria escola. A compreensão da violência escolar a partir da perspectiva dos diferentes atores possibilitou compreender a complexidade do fenômeno e a importância do desenvolvimento de ações não apenas de profissionais da área da Educação, mas sim de equipes multiprofissionais e intersetoriais visando a prevenção e enfrentamento da violência escolar. Descritores: Violência; Saúde Escolar; Criança; Adolescente; Saúde Pública. Kappel VB, Gontijo DT, Medeiros M, Lima LS. Rev. Eletr. Enf. [Internet]. 2015 apr./jun.;17(2):257-68. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/ree.v17i2.29136. 258 INTRODUCTION Violence is a complex phenomenon characterized by the intentional actions of individuals, groups, classes, and nations that can cause physical, emotional, moral, and/or spiritual harm to others. Specifically in relation to children and adolescents, violence is configured as a challenge to public health, present in various social spaces, including at school. The issue of violence, including school violence, can be understood from different perspectives. In this study, we consider violence according to what was established by the World Health Organization (WHO) and presented in the World Report on Violence and Health. In this report, violence is understood through an ecological perspective, which considers the interplay of individual, relational, community. and social levels. In addition to this ecological perspective, specifically in relation to school violence, it is important to make conceptual distinctions about violence “in” school, violence “towards” school, and violence “from” school. Violence “in” school takes place within the school environment with no connection to the nature and activities of the institution. Violence “towards” school is linked to the nature and activities of the school, meaning that students practice violence aimed directly at the institution and/or those who represent it. Violence “from” school is an institutional and symbolic violence suffered by the students due to the way they are treated in the institution or by its representatives. Regardless of whether the violence is characterized as “in”, “from,” or “towards” school, its presence in this scenario has an impact on the relations of the school community that become conflicted, thus hurting the teaching-learning process, the ongoing flow of classes, and the pedagogical project. Additionally, the consequences of school violence on the health and wellbeing of those involved are highlighted, especially with regard to the psychological, social, and physical aspects. The results of a national survey conducted in Tanzania (Africa) on violence against children showed that most young people had suffered physical violence by teachers before the age of 18. With regard to sexual violence, on the commute between home and school, 25% of girls and 16.7% of boys had been victimized. Aside from that, 15% of girls and 12.5% of boys had already suffered this type of violence at school or on the premises. A survey on school health conducted with elementary school ninth graders in 26 Brazilian capitals and the Federal District showed that the proportion of students who stopped attending school in the 30 days preceding the survey because they did not feel safe on their commute between home and school was at 6.4%. It was also shown that 9.7% of public school students and 5.5% of private school students missed classes due to a sense of insecurity. However, the phenomenon of school violence, as well as other forms of violence involving teenagers, is not restricted to large urban centers, and is also found in smaller cities within the country. Through a study conducted in the municipality that served as the setting for this study in 27 public schools, with the participation of 1,042 students from the ninth grade of elementary school, it became clear that 604 students (58%) perceive the presence of violence at school; 804 students (77.1%) have witnessed quarrels within the classroom at least once; 814 (78.1%) reported knowing peers who have been humiliated by other students at least once; and 687 students (66%) said they had seen other students destroy school property at least once. The presence of violence within the school context calls for the planning and systemization of preventative and offensive actions of an intrasectoral nature, which should also be based on understanding the origins of this phenomenon, its causes, and how it impacts the institution daily within different social contexts. Specifically with regard to the field of health, a review of Brazilian literature on the subject points out that most Kappel VB, Gontijo DT, Medeiros M, Lima LS. Rev. Eletr. Enf. [Internet]. 2015 apr./jun.;17(2):257-68. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/ree.v17i2.29136. 259 of the studies are directed at large urban centers at the expense of cities of medium and small size. Also, it is observed that, in general, the published studies address school violence in an isolated manner, from the perspective of specific actors, and research that is carried out in a concomitant and coordinated manner, where the perceptions of administrators, educators, teachers, students, and other professionals that work within the school routine is rarely found. Considering all of the aspects mentioned, this study set out to understand school violence from the perspective of different agents within an educational institution, regarding the manifestations, causes, and consequences. METHODOLOGY It is a descriptive study of a qualitative approach carried out in a municipal public school in a city in Minas Gerais/Brazil, chosen due to previous research showing the existence of significant violence, both within the institution and in the community in which it is included. Administrators (principal, vice-principal, pedagogical coordinator), teachers, janitors, students from the ninth grade, and their guardians participated in this study. Attending school in the morning, for at least six months, was a requirement to participate in the study. Students must be 18 years old or younger and be authorized by their guardians. The number of participants was set by exhaust saturation procedures. Data were collected from March to June 2012 through semi-structured individual interviews with all participants except the students, who participated in a group interview. The script for the interviews, common to all, addressed issues related to the causes, consequences, and modalities of school violence. Interviews were conducted in places that ensured the privacy of the subjects, recorded via digital media, and later transcribed and submitted to thematic content analysis from a qualitative perspective. The categorization process, supported by the theoretical references previously mentioned, resulted in the themes of “manifestations of school violence” and “causes and consequences of school violence.” The research project was approved by the Ethics Committee on Human Research of the Federal University of Triangulo Mineiro (protocol n. 2094/2011). The participants were contacted previously to take part in the interviews, and before the interviewer presented the objectives of the study and requested that the interviewees sign the Free and Informed Consent Form (FICF). To ensure confidentiality and anonymity, a code was assigned to each respondent over the age of 18 years and the teenagers each chose a pseudonym. RESULTS Twenty-seven subjects participated, including three administrators, nine teachers, three janitors, seven students, and five parents or guardians of ninth-grade students. Regarding the number of years as a teacher, seven (78%) of the educators had worked as a teacher for more than a decade, and they were predominantly women. The group of janitors was composed exclusively of women, with a mean age of 46 years, who had worked in that school of more than nine years. The group of parents consisted of five mothers with a mean age of 36 years. Among the students, there were four girls and three boys, most of whom had attended the school for a period of more than five years and were aged 14 years on average. Manifestations of school violence This category is b


INTRODUCTION
Violence is a complex phenomenon characterized by the intentional actions of individuals, groups, classes, and nations that can cause physical, emotional, moral, and/or spiritual harm to others (1) .Specifically in relation to children and adolescents, violence is configured as a challenge to public health, present in various social spaces, including at school (2) .
The issue of violence, including school violence, can be understood from different perspectives (1)(2)(3) .In this study, we consider violence according to what was established by the World Health Organization (WHO) and presented in the World Report on Violence and Health.In this report, violence is understood through an ecological perspective, which considers the interplay of individual, relational, community.and social levels (1) .
In addition to this ecological perspective, specifically in relation to school violence, it is important to make conceptual distinctions about violence "in" school, violence "towards" school, and violence "from" school (4) .
Violence "in" school takes place within the school environment with no connection to the nature and activities of the institution.Violence "towards" school is linked to the nature and activities of the school, meaning that students practice violence aimed directly at the institution and/or those who represent it.Violence "from" school is an institutional and symbolic violence suffered by the students due to the way they are treated in the institution or by its representatives (4)(5) .
Regardless of whether the violence is characterized as "in", "from," or "towards" school, its presence in this scenario has an impact on the relations of the school community that become conflicted, thus hurting the teaching-learning process, the ongoing flow of classes, and the pedagogical project.Additionally, the consequences of school violence on the health and wellbeing of those involved are highlighted, especially with regard to the psychological, social, and physical aspects (2,(5)(6) .
The results of a national survey conducted in Tanzania (Africa) on violence against children showed that most young people had suffered physical violence by teachers before the age of 18.With regard to sexual violence, on the commute between home and school, 25% of girls and 16.7% of boys had been victimized.Aside from that, 15% of girls and 12.5% of boys had already suffered this type of violence at school or on the premises (7) .
A survey on school health conducted with elementary school ninth graders in 26 Brazilian capitals and the Federal District showed that the proportion of students who stopped attending school in the 30 days preceding the survey because they did not feel safe on their commute between home and school was at 6.4%.It was also shown that 9.7% of public school students and 5.5% of private school students missed classes due to a sense of insecurity (8) .
However, the phenomenon of school violence, as well as other forms of violence involving teenagers, is not restricted to large urban centers, and is also found in smaller cities within the country (2,9) .Through a study conducted in the municipality that served as the setting for this study in 27 public schools, with the participation of 1,042 students from the ninth grade of elementary school, it became clear that 604 students (58%) perceive the presence of violence at school; 804 students (77.1%) have witnessed quarrels within the classroom at least once; 814 (78.1%) reported knowing peers who have been humiliated by other students at least once; and 687 students (66%) said they had seen other students destroy school property at least once (2) .
The presence of violence within the school context calls for the planning and systemization of preventative and offensive actions of an intrasectoral nature, which should also be based on understanding the origins of this phenomenon, its causes, and how it impacts the institution daily within different social contexts.
Specifically with regard to the field of health, a review of Brazilian literature on the subject points out that most of the studies are directed at large urban centers at the expense of cities of medium and small size (2,(10)(11) .Also, it is observed that, in general, the published studies address school violence in an isolated manner, from the perspective of specific actors, and research that is carried out in a concomitant and coordinated manner, where the perceptions of administrators, educators, teachers, students, and other professionals that work within the school routine is rarely found (8,(10)(11)(12)(13) .
Considering all of the aspects mentioned, this study set out to understand school violence from the perspective of different agents within an educational institution, regarding the manifestations, causes, and consequences.

METHODOLOGY
It is a descriptive study of a qualitative approach carried out in a municipal public school in a city in Minas Gerais/Brazil, chosen due to previous research showing the existence of significant violence, both within the institution and in the community in which it is included (2,9) .
Administrators (principal, vice-principal, pedagogical coordinator), teachers, janitors, students from the ninth grade, and their guardians participated in this study.
Attending school in the morning, for at least six months, was a requirement to participate in the study.Students must be 18 years old or younger and be authorized by their guardians.The number of participants was set by exhaust saturation procedures (14) .
Data were collected from March to June 2012 through semi-structured individual interviews with all participants except the students, who participated in a group interview.The script for the interviews, common to all, addressed issues related to the causes, consequences, and modalities of school violence.
Interviews were conducted in places that ensured the privacy of the subjects, recorded via digital media, and later transcribed and submitted to thematic content analysis from a qualitative perspective (15) .The categorization process, supported by the theoretical references previously mentioned (1)(2)(3)(4) , resulted in the themes of "manifestations of school violence" and "causes and consequences of school violence." The research project was approved by the Ethics Committee on Human Research of the Federal University of Triangulo Mineiro (protocol n. 2094/2011).The participants were contacted previously to take part in the interviews, and before the interviewer presented the objectives of the study and requested that the interviewees sign the Free and Informed Consent Form (FICF).To ensure confidentiality and anonymity, a code was assigned to each respondent over the age of 18 years and the teenagers each chose a pseudonym.

RESULTS
Twenty-seven subjects participated, including three administrators, nine teachers, three janitors, seven students, and five parents or guardians of ninth-grade students.Regarding the number of years as a teacher, seven (78%) of the educators had worked as a teacher for more than a decade, and they were predominantly women.The group of janitors was composed exclusively of women, with a mean age of 46 years, who had worked in that school of more than nine years.The group of parents consisted of five mothers with a mean age of 36 years.Among the students, there were four girls and three boys, most of whom had attended the school for a period of more than five years and were aged 14 years on average.

Manifestations of school violence
This category is built based on the contents related to the perceptions of individuals about how violence manifests itself in the school setting, especially with regard to the typology of violent acts and those involved in these situations.This content was categorized into violence "towards", "from," and "in" school (4) .
The modalities that had greater emphasis in each group were those relating to situations in which the actors themselves were victims of school violence.So, for students, the most cited modalities were violence "towards" and "from" school; for janitors it was the terms "in" and "towards" school; for parents it was violence "towards" school and "from" school; and for teachers it was the terms "in" and "towards" school.The different modalities of school violence attained an equivalence in number of citations only for administrators.
In all groups, violence "towards" the school was the modality that was mentioned most, mainly verbal aggression committed by students against teachers: (…) answering teachers defiantly (...) the teacher talks and they completely ignore it; they show no respect.(Mother

4)
Only janitors and parents pointed to violence "towards" school and physical violence committed by students against teachers: (…) mostly students against teachers rather than teachers against students.I have seen more students assaulting teachers with words and by throwing something.(Mother

3)
Violence committed by students against objects belonging to the public property of the school (such as fans, chairs, windows) was also described in the speech of most of the school actors: (…) games held within the classroom itself, throwing clothes in a fan that is turned on, wrecking the fan.
(Janitor 2) In addition, the teachers pointed to acts committed by students against the personal assets of teachers as aspects related to violence "towards" school: My car has been scratched here at the school door because of in-class problems (...) the child has also been expelled.(Teacher 1) Teachers also pointed out violence (verbal abuse) committed by parents against teachers in the school: We also go through violence from the parents when they are called in.There are those parents who end up offending the teacher, who end up blaming the teacher. ( The modality related to violence "in" the school was most often expressed in reports involving episodes between students that initiated from verbal violence (psychological) between them, as Administrator 3 pointed out: (…) sometimes there´s an argument or something that happened outside of school that culminates within the school environment.So, I consider it to be school related.
Janitors, parents and teachers also noted the existence of physical violence among students: (…) those kids are terrible.As we say, they have no idea of what consequence means.We've already had fights between students that drew blood from one another.
(Janitor 2) In addition to the situations of violence among students, teachers reported the existence of conflicts, mostly of a psychological nature, between co-workers:

Causes and consequences of school violence
The content of this category refers to the causes and consequences of school violence, organized based on the theoretical model proposed by WHO (1) .
Regarding the causes of school violence, considering the individual level, the janitors, teachers, and parents brought some individual characteristics such as personality and the essence of the subject that can be identified in the genesis of the phenomenon that is under study.
On the relational level, all groups described forms of establishing social relations among teenagers, communication problems, and competition for power as potential causes of school violence.
Parents reported that peer groups themselves can be characterized as potential causes of school violence: (…) these peer groups are where a lot of violence comes from.The kids, their friendship influences one another.
(Mother 4) The influence of the group in situations of violence is also highlighted by the students, who understand many of these behaviors as typical adolescent pranks (like name-calling, swearing, making up lies about a friend, "hand play"): In addition to the reasons pointed out above, shared by most groups, administrators and teachers also stressed media-related issues that can be allocated on the social level of the WHO model (1) .The media, through TV shows, A gesture sometimes hurts more than a slap, because a slap passes; it becomes more purple but it passes.Now a (...) prejudice, a violation of rights, it just stays in there.
Sometimes not even a psychologist can make that disappear.The body speaks much louder than words.With regard to the consequences of school violence for the attackers, the groups shared concepts related to involvement in illegal acts (theft, gang activities), with drugs, and even the possibility of death: I think if we do not try to stop them, they'll grow up as outlaws, as they say.He thinks he can do anything.
(Janitor 1) Messing with drugs, bad company.(Mother 1) Depending on the violence, it can even result in death.(Administrator 1)

DISCUSSION
The findings reflect the complexity of the phenomenon being studied and provide important information for offensive action plans.The low involvement of students and parents in the study should be noted, despite the various mobilization strategies adopted by researchers.This fact may be related to the fear of students participating in the study, due to the possible existence of a "culture of fear" (where people are intimated and coerced in order to not speak freely), and also the low participation of parents in school life.
The analysis of the manifestations of school violence perceived by the subjects, ranging from the characterization of violence "towards", "from," and "in" school, allowed the actors to quickly identify a trend: the violence that is directly related to them.The trend can have consequences throughout offensive action planning, since adopting a broader and deeper analysis of the phenomenon is vital to replacing the culture of guilt with that of a responsibility towards the confrontation of violence (16) .
Specifically in relation to violence "towards" school, the reports of the subjects may reflect nuances of a professional scenario of educator victimization that encompasses the increasing number of students, the socio-cultural heterogeneity present in school communities, and the new demands of schooling generated by a society guided by differentiated teaching and learning concepts, as well as by the weakness of educational policies in facing a dynamic reality characterized by a weakening of the social position of schools (6,10) .
On the other hand, violence "in" the school is the modality most publicized by the media and the most easily identified by school personnel, the governing bodies, and law enforcement institutions.Just as identified in this study, other studies indicate that the highest frequency of school violence is that which happens between students in its various forms (namecalling, fights with and without physical violence, threats, theft of material, feuding gangs, among others) (6,17) .
The findings related to violence between school staff (especially teachers) and parents against their children within the school environment are not addressed by the studies that supported this research, these demonstrations being classified as violence "in" the school, due to their relational character and the possibility of this violence being connected or not to the educational institution's activities.Therefore, more research is necessary in order to understand whether these manifestations are produced due to school-related issues or if they are caused by issues that are external to school, but enter the school community.
Violence "from" school can be understood as a symbolic violence, reflecting the disguised reproduction of social inequalities within the institution and manifesting the lack of educational system democratization in capitalist societies (6) .Symbolic violence is used as a form of domination, including by teachers and staff.Research has shown that psychological violence against students in school is still understudied, and that employees generally do not perceive themselves as having an active role, a fact evidenced in this study, in which only two teachers recognized their actions as violent.This behavior is characterized by depreciating students' behavior, criticizing them, keeping them in a position of humiliation and inferiority towards their peers, and causing embarrassment (6,10,18) .
From another perspective, it is clear that educators are also targets of this violence when they need to meet deadlines, fulfill program requirements, fill out booklets and forms-that is, meet the requirements of a system that excludes educators from preparation and planning.
In this sense, a paradoxical role performed by teachers is identified in school communities: that of, on the one hand, a representative of power, playing a dominant role; and on the other, a submissive role, by abiding with the impositions and bureaucratic regulations in place, in which administrative organizational issues overlap pedagogical ones (6) .
With regard to the causes of school violence, categorized from the WHO theoretical model, it was possible to identify causes scattered throughout the different levels (1) .From this perspective, it was evident that the causes most frequently cited by participants were those related to relational and social levels, which indicate greater accountability of adolescents, family, and the educational system for school violence (13,19) .
It was noticed that community aspects, such as those linked to the school itself, and individual aspects, such as biological factors like impulsiveness, aggression, or a history of abuse, were not singled out by the research subjects as elements to be emphasized.Mention of social aspects such as social inequality, ethnic, racial, and gender issues, and political and economic aspects was also limited (18)(19) .
With regard to causes linked to the relational level, the subjects highlighted the ways in which social relations in adolescence are built.Adolescence is a fundamental step in the process of growth and human development, marked by physical and behavioral changes influenced by socio-cultural and family factors.Thus, the experience of affectivity and sexuality, emotional and intellectual growth, and interpersonal relationships, among others, should therefore be considered relevant to adolescence (20) .
Playfulness is part of interpersonal relations and aim to approach, integrate, and include.Among the students, it is these jokes that make the school environment a fun and relaxed one, and that stimulate the attendance, permanence, performance, learning, and sympathy towards school.However, there is a fine line between play and violence.Playfulness is characterized by balance and fun between the parties, while violence is linked to imbalance in which one party is having fun and the other is embarrassed, humiliated, and intimidated (21) .
The influence of peers during adolescence, highlighted by parents as possible causes of school violence, is generally considered positive and important for the formation of interpersonal relationships, but it can also have negative effects.The fact that one may have delinquent friends, for instance, is associated with a higher rate of violence committed by adolescents (1) .
Within the field of social relations, including affective relations, violence can be a strategy to obtain prestige and can be used to solve conflict and "territorial demarcation."Violence can also be valued by boys as part of the hegemonic masculine identity (22) .However, a growing perception of the use of violence is pointed out in the mediation of social relationships by girls, and the competition for attention from sexual pairs is one of the motivations for this behavior (2) .
Of the numerous factors involved in school violence, one would think that if, on one hand, the actions taken by adolescents at school go beyond what is considered socially acceptable, on the other hand, it is understood that these attitudes may have their origins in the real experiences of the individual, as a response in some cases, to the many oppressions and forms of violence experienced by him or her (18) .
The role that the school plays has been modified since it became one of the most important agents in adolescents' and children's socialization process.This is largely due to changes that occurred in the family structure, the entry of women into the labor market in large numbers, and changes in the role that religion plays in the lives of families.This transformation has helped increase the number of hours worked, and therefore limit the opportunities for parents to exercise their role as models for behavior patterns, values, beliefs, and attitudes for their children (17) .
In addition, the modern-day family, while trying to escape authoritarian patterns, has difficulty establishing new standards and limits in childcare.In adolescence, the absence of clarity, the disorientation, and the excessive freedom that the family often assures their children eventually leads them to the loss of significant references, which complicates their development and psychological maturity (10,19 ) .
However, it is important to think about the family scapegoating process, reducing this phenomenon, which would initially be a matter of public policy in the individual sphere.Accountability, unlike guilt, furthers our understanding of the contexts in which violent relationships occur and thus contributes to the planning strategies involving the family in ensuring the rights of children and adolescents (18) .
The limited interest of teachers in their students as a possible cause of school violence can relate to the impact of the characteristics of the educational system (social level) on relations within the school community.The need for improvement in teachers' working conditions, the development of strategies for their valuation, investment geared towards changes in the educational and disciplinary training present in the curricula, as well as offering support to sustain changes in practices, was brought to light by this study (10,19) .
Still on the social level, in regard to the media as a potential cause of the phenomenon of violence, it is known that, in contemporary times, media is competing for more space with family, with school, and with other socializing agencies in the education of children and adolescents.It is even shown as being more effective in instilling values, as well as "forming" the individual, fulfilling the dual role of entertainment instrument and educational tool.Thus, the media can be an instrument that contributes to teenagers' reproducing violent acts, and for those acts to be perceived as something natural and as ordinary events in everyday life (18) .On the other hand, media can also be understood as a potential ally in confronting school violence when characterized as a practice dissipater and action developer focused on a culture of peace.
As mentioned above, although a greater appreciation of causes linked to relational and social levels was observed in the speech of the subjects, the complexity of the phenomenon under study is considered to be set up precisely in the interplay of these factors that mutually influence each other.This complexity is also evident through the observation that many of the identified causes are directly related to the consequences of school  (22)(23) .
Regarding the perpetrators, it is known that they may also suffer cognitive problems, depression, anxiety, developmental delays, feelings of guilt and shame, criminal and violent high-risk behaviors, hyperactivity, inappropriate personal relationships, low self-esteem, psychosomatic disorders, suicidal and self-destructive behaviors, lost productivity, lower quality of life, poor school performance, and even premature death as a consequence of school violence.It is, therefore, a serious social problem that affects not only the school environment and staff (6) .
In addition to the consequences for the victims and the perpetrators, the impact of school violence on the institution's daily life, and the health and motivation of teachers to practice their profession, also need to be valued and contextualized in relation to frequency (24) .In this sense, it is necessary to differentiate the consequences of isolated instances of violence from its consideration as a routine, because the former can, at best, momentarily stun teachers, while the latter has harmful consequences and may even affect the mental health of these professionals (25 ) .In this research, it was concluded that, for the participating subjects, school violence is more related to routine work than isolated acts, which raises the question of development of coping strategies with positive solutions to be implemented in the daily lives of the actors involved.
Please note that the consequences highlighted by the subjects did not cover repercussions for local, regional, and national government, or for the various sectors of society (23) .These findings raise debates on the understanding of participating subjects of the real magnitude and depth of school violence and its extensions by micro-and macro-structural sectors of society.

FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
This survey showed data regarding the portrayal of school violence on the part of the actors who live with it in a certain context, and therefore deal with its manifestations and consequences.Because it is characterized as a complex and dynamic phenomenon,

(Teacher 9 )
movies, and music, is understood as a means of perpetuating violence in general: Violence today is public.You see it in the movies, in soap operas, news.Everything generates violence.If you start watching the television programs, all of them have signs of violence and our students see it all.They spend five, six hours in front of television (...) so our students see a cartoon fight that takes a friend and throws him on the floor, they do it with their colleagues, imitating the cartoon.(Teacher 2)Still on the social level, teachers, administrators, and parents pointed out aspects related to the educational system in the genesis of school violence.In this sense, they highlighted changes in education in regard to absorption of most of the social needs and functions:The school is absorbing a function it shouldn't.I can think of unstructured education in which everything goes into the school: drugs, traffic, dengue.The school has a strange role, sometimes political, everything in school.In addition to the changes in the educational system, teachers, administrators, and parents pointed out the limited working conditions of school officials as a cause of school violence: A teacher gets nervous because the salary is low and sometimes he's stressed and loses it.(...) It's the tone of voice.(Administrator 1) Finally, in relation to the "consequences of school violence," data showed consequences for the victims, the perpetrators, and the school.The consequences of school violence for victims mainly related to emotional and psychological changes in which victims feel embarrassed and offended, with a possibility of being traumatized and having decreased self-esteem: They arrived and tripped him and everyone saw.He will feel offended in front of his friends.(Student Gabriela)

(Administrator 2 )
Most actors also highlighted the possibility of the victim becoming a potential aggressor as a consequence of the phenomenon:Victims are always the quiet ones.I think they just tolerate it to a certain extent.Then they explode, too.(Teacher 1)

(
Vitória-student) In addition, parents and administrators emphasized the interruption of school attendance, difficulty of being included in society, and situations of exclusion for the attackers: It indirectly generates exclusion because this child is not able to get along with others here.Then the school must sometimes seek means to transfer the child.An exclusion to preserve a majority ends up happening, in a certain way, which is an attitude of good sense.(Administrator 1) The consequences for the school were cited by teachers and parents who stated that violence interferes with the dynamics of the teaching and learning process in general, affecting not only those involved directly in conflict situations: But when there is a fight, there's something in the air, the room is different, it looks like we're giving classes to inanimate objects.Then, a student gets called because they were involved in a fight; they get pulled out of class and the entire class is disrupted.(Teacher 2) Teachers stressed the lack of professional motivation associated with dismay and disbelief in their work as a result of violence to the school: I think it brings a lot of damage, but I think especially for teachers; it is grounds for discouragement to work, to just give up.There's no motivation to go to the school, only to give up work (...); you just lose the dreams of being and all.(Teacher 5) Teachers and administrators also pointed out the professional illness manifested as a consequence of emotional and psychological somatization of issues and stress as a potential consequence of living with violence at school: She was so stressed that she wanted to expel the student from class in any activity; the person gets sick.
violence itself demands attention and interventions not only from education professionals, but from multidisciplinary and intersectoral teams that work collectively and cohesively in order to prevent and address school violence.In this sense, the positive potential of interventions by health professionals is pointed out, especially from the perspective of popular education in health.These actions can contribute to greater ownership and empowerment of the different subjects in their daily lives, which may result in the construction of an environment that promotes peace and health.Please note that this study had limitations related to the period of field immersion and the low adherence of the students and their parents.Although research has been conducted in a specific school community and the results cannot be generalized to all schools, the data provide important information for the understanding of school violence in different contexts and for the development of coping strategies.There is a need for ethnographic studies, through which it will be possible to discuss the contradictions between the subjects' speech and attitudes in everyday school life, and for studies characterized as action research, focused on a systematic analysis of the effectiveness of targeted interventions to prevent and confront the phenomenon.
It can all be summed up in one keyword: limits.Today, in the times we live in, families are unable to impose limits.
wanted to be funny for the other students.Then there's also the famous "pressure boy," the one who stays there pressuring everyone to fight by laughing and applauding (...) Then the fight happens.(StudentWill)like, whoever shows off more.(StudentTeddy)Who is stronger.(StudentWill)Still on the relational level, the difficulties experienced within the family context were cited by all groups, except for students, as causes of school violence, and the actors pointed out that the school may be considered an area of reproduction of the violence experienced at home: He incited everybody, fought, cursed everybody, made jokes about other "friends," and he suffered when he was home.He had a hard life, was spanked by his father, mother, stepfather, whatever.He was in need.I think he brings a lot from home to school.(Mother 1)